Heman Marion Sweatt, a letter transporter in Houston, Texas, from around 1938 to 1947, took an interest in voter-enrollment drives in Houston, composed for the dark daily paper The Houston Informer, and filled in as the neighborhood secretary of the National Alliance of Postal Employees. Sweatt is most outstanding as the fruitful offended party in the 1950 U.S. Incomparable Court case Sweatt v. Painter, the pre-cursor to Brown v. Leading body of Education. (See Before Brown: Heman Marion Sweatt, Thurgood Marshall and the Long Road To Justice, by Gary M. Lavergne.)

More lobbyist postal laborers are depicted in There’s Always Work at the Post Office: African American Postal Workers and the Fight for Jobs, Justice, and Equality, by Philip F. Rubio.

Photo of U.S. Delegate William L. Dawson.

William L. Dawson, Kennedy’s First Pick for Postmaster General (photograph civility Library of Congress)

President-elect John F. Kennedy named J. Edward Day as Postmaster General on December 17, 1960, however Day was not Kennedy’s first decision for the activity.

Not long after his decision, Kennedy offered the activity of Postmaster General to Democratic Congressman William L. Dawson, an incredible African-American political pioneer from Chicago. In 1960 Dawson, at that point a 18-year individual from the U.S. Place of Representatives, was filling in as executive of the House Government Operations Committee. Whenever named Postmaster General, Dawson would have been the main dark individual from a Presidential bureau.

To the dismay of numerous operating at a profit network, Dawson turned down Kennedy’s offer, saying he would preferably remain in Congress. A few commentators couldn’t trust that a dark man would turn down such a notable chance – they thought maybe that the offer was simply a contrivance to score focuses with dark voters.

Corneal A. Davis, a long-lasting individual from the Illinois House of Representatives and partner of Dawson, asked his companion at the time “What the demon isn’t right with you?” and Dawson letting him know:

I got my very own capacity. Don’t you know when I accept that position Kennedy’d be my supervisor. I’ll be the postmaster general, yet I’ll likewise sign my renunciation when I accept the position. What’s more, when he reveals to me I’m through, I’m through. Also, heck, I ain’t going to be through until the point that the general population disclose to me I’m through.*

Dawson kept on serving in Congress until his demise in 1970.

* Corneal A. Davis Memoir, Volume II, Interview by Horace Q. Waggoner, 1982, Archives/Special Collections, University of Illinois at Springfield, 173

 

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Social liberties Pioneers

Social liberties Pioneers

Numerous African-American postal specialists were social liberties activists; some were likewise conspicuous pioneers. Herbert Hill, national work executive of the NAACP from 1951 to 1977, reviewed that at whatever point he visited towns searching for volunteers to lead social liberties exercises, “there would be the priest, the funeral director, the legal advisor and the mail station specialist.” (Washington Post, March 14, 1974)

John L. LeFlore, a letter transporter in Mobile, Alabama, from 1922 to 1965, redesigned the Mobile part of the NAACP in 1926 and filled in as its official secretary until the point that the NAACP was prohibited in Alabama in 1956. He redesigned NAACP branches in different urban communities and built up the Regional Conference of Southern Branches, filling in as its administrator from 1936 to 1945. From 1956 until his demise in 1976 LeFlore worked for social liberties under the support of the Non-Partisan Voters League. He battled for the integration of Mobile’s government funded schools and organizations, attempted to enlist and advise dark voters and enhance lodging, and helped numerous African Americans discover employments. He composed for The Chicago Defender from 1942 to 1952 and later was partner editorial manager of the Mobile Beacon. In 1958 LeFlore helped mount a legitimate intrigue of the assault conviction of Willie Seals by an all-white jury, on the premise that blacks had been rejected from both the excellent jury and the preliminary jury. The intrigue was at last effective and helped prompt the joining of juries in the South. Despite the fact that in 1956 LeFlore was suspended without pay for 28 days and undermined with evacuation because of “inconsistencies” in his activity execution, he kept his postal position until the point when he surrendered in 1965.

Westley W. Law, a letter transporter in Savannah, Georgia, from around 1948 to the mid 1990s, was leader of that city’s part of the NAACP from 1950 to 1976. Like LeFlore, Law initiated the social equality development in his city. He worked for the integration of state funded schools, worked for casting a ballot rights, and helped lead a 15-month blacklist of isolated stores which finished in July 1961 when the stores integrated their lunch counters. In September 1961 Law was terminated from his letter transporter position following the decision of a neighborhood U.S. Congressman who had made his terminating a battle guarantee. Law was restored the following month at the bearing of President John F. Kennedy; he kept conveying mail in Savannah until the point that he resigned in the mid 1990s.